7PQ site
Oct 062014
 

Transworld Paper No. 40

by Chad Damro

This paper investigates how the transatlantic relationship affects global and regional economic governance. The analysis is guided by the concept of “competitive interdependence,” which helps to identify the fundamental dynamics shaping the bilateral relationship between the European Union and United States of America as well as the implications of their relationship for others. Largely in response to the multilateral stalemate in the World Trade Organisation’s Doha Round negotiations, the European Union and United States now prioritise and compete in the pursuit of bilateral agreements with largely economic objectives. But the relationship also has a firm basis for cooperation, especially when considering the bilateral characteristics of market size and institutional features. Against this background, the paper also assesses the ways in which competition and interdependence drive the negotiations for a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and investigates the likely implications of such an agreement for transatlantic relations and global and regional economic governance more generally.

Download

Oct 062014
 

Transworld Paper No. 39

by John Peterson and Meltem Müftüler-Baç

Global governance is a highly contested concept both in terms of how it is defined and the desirability of its different forms. By one view – often considered a “European” one – global governance is synonymous with formalised and “effective multilateralism.” An alternative view – frequently aired in Washington – is that formal multilateral institutions are only one means to achieve global governance, and often are inferior to more informal, flexible forms of cooperation. This paper considers contending definitions of global governance, as well as different forms it takes in the four realms singled out for investigation by Transworld: security, economy, human rights and the environment. We conclude that global governance is in a state of considerable flux, that it must be pragmatic and not based exclusively on treaty-based international organizations, and that Europe and America still retain considerable capacity to supply demand it.

Download

Oct 062014
 

Transworld Paper No. 38

by Anne-Marie Le Gloannec and Manuel Muniz

The transatlantic security relationship is built on strong and enduring shared values. Americans and Europeans share, on the whole, similar perceptions about the nature of power, the norms that should guide relations among states, as well as a desire to promote democracy and basic human rights. The US and Europe also share most of their security objectives, this being particularly true when speaking of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and tackling state weakness around the world. Not surprisingly, therefore, our elite survey revealed that elites across the Atlantic are supportive of each other’s role in maintaining international security, and wish to remain partners through NATO. However, the partnership is exposed to a serious risk of fragmentation driven by changes in the international landscape, mainly the rise of multipolarity and the emergence of China as a major security player in East Asia, and by events with significant internal implications such as the financial crisis that started in 2007 and the subsequent Eurozone crisis and the emergence or multiplication of crises from Libya and Mali to the Middle East and Ukraine. These developments could easily pull the transatlantic partners in different directions, perhaps more so than any other change of the past half-century, creating tensions between the two, and bringing into question the usefulness of their alliance.

Download

Jul 312014
 

Transworld Paper No. 37

by Nelli Babayan and Thomas Risse

What is the direction of EU and US democracy promotion and can we talk about a transatlantic democracy promotion? This paper addresses these questions from the perspective of transatlantic security communities and argues that joint transatlantic democracy promotion is still embryonic. However, at the same time there are clear indications of converging identities and interests with regard to strategies and instruments of democracy promotion, which could result in meaningful transatlantic partnership in challenging situations.

Download